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<div itemscope itemtype="/BlogPosting"><p>This week, in the case of Saskatchewan Human Rights Commission v. Whatcott, the Supreme Court of Canada upheld the right of human rights commissions to censor (what they regard as) hateful speech. For the benefit of readers who have not read the decision, here it is reduced to Q&amp;A’s. I ask imaginary questions; the Court gives imaginary answers,karen millen uk. Some will object that the Court would never say such things,christian louboutin heels. I say it already has.</p><p><strong>Q:</strong> Dear Supreme Court, is there free speech in Canada?</p><p><strong>A:</strong> It’s not absolute, you know.</p><p><strong>Q:</strong> Well, yes, we know that, but is there limited free speech?</p><p><strong>A:</strong> There must be. The Charter says there is, and the Charter wouldn’t lie,louboutin shoes. We support the Charter.</p><p><strong>Q:</strong> Spiffy. So can I go and say whatever I like?</p><p><strong>A:</strong> Yes, of course. That’s what “free” means. Unless you cross a line. Like anti-gay activist Bill Whatcott. He said some nasty things, you know.</p><p><strong>Q:</strong> Is that the line, saying nasty things?</p><p><strong>A:</strong> Oh no, you can say nasty things,louboutin uk. It’s a free country.</p><p><strong>Q:</strong> So where is the line?</p><p><strong>A:</strong> When you cross it, we’ll let you know.</p><p><strong>Q:</strong> Does it have a name?</p><p><strong>A:</strong> We call it hate speech.</p><p><strong>Q:</strong> What is hate speech?</p><p><strong>A:</strong> It’s speech we hate.</p><p><strong>Q:</strong> But speech you don’t hate needs no Charter protection. What do you say to people who argue that unless the Charter protects speech you hate it protects nothing?</p><p><strong>A:</strong> Let them say it, we say. It’s a free country.</p><p>Some colleagues were dismayed after the Whatcott decision came down. But National Post writer Jonathan Kay looked at the bright side,karen millen uk, emphasizing the fact that the Supreme Court specifically gave a pass to speech that is merely rude or impolite. “Given the mania for censorship sweeping many other developed nations, especially in Europe, the Supreme Court judgment in Whatcott was far from a worst-case scenario,” Kay wrote. “It signals that political correctness has its limits in Canada.”</p><p>You could have fooled me, but it’s true,Unlike most parties. For example, it seems ethnic jokes aren’t being outlawed. Well, thank God for small mercies. I never much liked ethnic jokes, but then I never looked at them as the symbolic remnants of what used to be a fundamental freedom.</p><p>You’ve come a long way,karen millen outlet, baby, is one way of looking at what happened in Canada in the last half century. When I stepped ashore in the last days of December, 1956, same-sex practices between men were against the law. It wasn’t a crime to be homosexually inclined, but to do something about it, such as engaging in a homosexual act with another consenting adult, could land one in jail. The law remained on the books and was enforced, if somewhat sporadically, during the first 12 years of my life in Canada (as were similar provisions in most other parts of the world.) Such laws cut across cultural and religious lines, indicating either that the collective consciousness of mankind was homophobic (as we might say today) or that it sensed something unsavory about homosexuality (as people did say back then). The two, of course, aren’t mutually exclusive.</p><p>The law didn’t interfere with me personally, as I would rather have had sex with a porcupine than with another fellow, but I joined those CBC colleagues (yes, I was a CBC staffer for 23 years) who were pushing for its repeal. It was in the spring of 1969 that Pierre Trudeau’s Bill C-150, the amendment to decriminalize homosexual acts, which Trudeau introduced as Justice Minister in 1967, received its third reading in Parliament. I remember it, because it was one of the few times in my life that I participated (in a minor supporting role) in political action. Our aim, which we accomplished, was to secure assent to the law in the summer of the same year.</p><p>Back then, the liberal position was that homosexuality wasn’t a sin but an illness, and while making a sin a crime was one thing, making an illness a crime was like recommending jail for someone with gallstones. Those who defended the status quo made frequent references to Sodom, and Trudeau, who coined the phrase about the state having no business in the nation’s bedrooms, was described correspondingly as a Sodomite,christian louboutin shoes.</p><p>Human Rights Commissions,and transferred the, had they existed back then, could have had a field day prosecuting participants on both sides of the debate. Some of the arguments used to push for decriminalization were as politically incorrect as the moral and religious injunctions offered for retention,christian louboutin uk. (Imagine a “progressive” debater arguing that those seeking libidinal congress with their own, rather than with the opposite sex, aren’t bad people, only crazy,christian louboutin heels. Chances are he’d be on the wrong side of the Supreme Court’s hate-speech line before he could say “Bill Whatcott.”)</p><p>But in 1969 Canada’s Human Rights Commissions, as we know them today, were still in the future. So were most other rules, restrictions, taboos, and shibboleths of liberal totalitarianism. The brave new world of political correctness, already clamoring at the gates, was still outside the walls of a fort that looked impenetrable. The traditional freedoms to which Canada was heir had withstood sieges and onslaughts before.</p><p>That was 40-plus years ago. The siege has been continuous ever since,And the amount of p. The walls are still standing, but if they don’t protect Whatcott,karen millen dresses, they protect no one. The enemy is now inside the gates.</p><p>National Post</p></div>
 
<div itemscope itemtype="/BlogPosting"><p>This week, in the case of Saskatchewan Human Rights Commission v. Whatcott, the Supreme Court of Canada upheld the right of human rights commissions to censor (what they regard as) hateful speech. For the benefit of readers who have not read the decision, here it is reduced to Q&amp;A’s. I ask imaginary questions; the Court gives imaginary answers,karen millen uk. Some will object that the Court would never say such things,christian louboutin heels. I say it already has.</p><p><strong>Q:</strong> Dear Supreme Court, is there free speech in Canada?</p><p><strong>A:</strong> It’s not absolute, you know.</p><p><strong>Q:</strong> Well, yes, we know that, but is there limited free speech?</p><p><strong>A:</strong> There must be. The Charter says there is, and the Charter wouldn’t lie,louboutin shoes. We support the Charter.</p><p><strong>Q:</strong> Spiffy. So can I go and say whatever I like?</p><p><strong>A:</strong> Yes, of course. That’s what “free” means. Unless you cross a line. Like anti-gay activist Bill Whatcott. He said some nasty things, you know.</p><p><strong>Q:</strong> Is that the line, saying nasty things?</p><p><strong>A:</strong> Oh no, you can say nasty things,louboutin uk. It’s a free country.</p><p><strong>Q:</strong> So where is the line?</p><p><strong>A:</strong> When you cross it, we’ll let you know.</p><p><strong>Q:</strong> Does it have a name?</p><p><strong>A:</strong> We call it hate speech.</p><p><strong>Q:</strong> What is hate speech?</p><p><strong>A:</strong> It’s speech we hate.</p><p><strong>Q:</strong> But speech you don’t hate needs no Charter protection. What do you say to people who argue that unless the Charter protects speech you hate it protects nothing?</p><p><strong>A:</strong> Let them say it, we say. It’s a free country.</p><p>Some colleagues were dismayed after the Whatcott decision came down. But National Post writer Jonathan Kay looked at the bright side,karen millen uk, emphasizing the fact that the Supreme Court specifically gave a pass to speech that is merely rude or impolite. “Given the mania for censorship sweeping many other developed nations, especially in Europe, the Supreme Court judgment in Whatcott was far from a worst-case scenario,” Kay wrote. “It signals that political correctness has its limits in Canada.”</p><p>You could have fooled me, but it’s true,Unlike most parties. For example, it seems ethnic jokes aren’t being outlawed. Well, thank God for small mercies. I never much liked ethnic jokes, but then I never looked at them as the symbolic remnants of what used to be a fundamental freedom.</p><p>You’ve come a long way,karen millen outlet, baby, is one way of looking at what happened in Canada in the last half century. When I stepped ashore in the last days of December, 1956, same-sex practices between men were against the law. It wasn’t a crime to be homosexually inclined, but to do something about it, such as engaging in a homosexual act with another consenting adult, could land one in jail. The law remained on the books and was enforced, if somewhat sporadically, during the first 12 years of my life in Canada (as were similar provisions in most other parts of the world.) Such laws cut across cultural and religious lines, indicating either that the collective consciousness of mankind was homophobic (as we might say today) or that it sensed something unsavory about homosexuality (as people did say back then). The two, of course, aren’t mutually exclusive.</p><p>The law didn’t interfere with me personally, as I would rather have had sex with a porcupine than with another fellow, but I joined those CBC colleagues (yes, I was a CBC staffer for 23 years) who were pushing for its repeal. It was in the spring of 1969 that Pierre Trudeau’s Bill C-150, the amendment to decriminalize homosexual acts, which Trudeau introduced as Justice Minister in 1967, received its third reading in Parliament. I remember it, because it was one of the few times in my life that I participated (in a minor supporting role) in political action. Our aim, which we accomplished, was to secure assent to the law in the summer of the same year.</p><p>Back then, the liberal position was that homosexuality wasn’t a sin but an illness, and while making a sin a crime was one thing, making an illness a crime was like recommending jail for someone with gallstones. Those who defended the status quo made frequent references to Sodom, and Trudeau, who coined the phrase about the state having no business in the nation’s bedrooms, was described correspondingly as a Sodomite,christian louboutin shoes.</p><p>Human Rights Commissions,and transferred the, had they existed back then, could have had a field day prosecuting participants on both sides of the debate. Some of the arguments used to push for decriminalization were as politically incorrect as the moral and religious injunctions offered for retention,christian louboutin uk. (Imagine a “progressive” debater arguing that those seeking libidinal congress with their own, rather than with the opposite sex, aren’t bad people, only crazy,christian louboutin heels. Chances are he’d be on the wrong side of the Supreme Court’s hate-speech line before he could say “Bill Whatcott.”)</p><p>But in 1969 Canada’s Human Rights Commissions, as we know them today, were still in the future. So were most other rules, restrictions, taboos, and shibboleths of liberal totalitarianism. The brave new world of political correctness, already clamoring at the gates, was still outside the walls of a fort that looked impenetrable. The traditional freedoms to which Canada was heir had withstood sieges and onslaughts before.</p><p>That was 40-plus years ago. The siege has been continuous ever since,And the amount of p. The walls are still standing, but if they don’t protect Whatcott,karen millen dresses, they protect no one. The enemy is now inside the gates.</p><p>National Post</p></div>
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== French Election 2012 Francois Hollande win over Nicolas Sark ==
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<div itemscope itemtype="/BlogPosting"><p>PARIS — Socialist Francois Hollande can expect a left-wing parliamentary majority if he wins Sunday’s presidential runoff, and the far-right National Front could shake President Nicolas Sarkozy’s conservative UMP party to its foundations.</p><p>If Hollande is elected, as all opinion polls show, history suggests voters will grant him a working majority in legislative elections on June 10 and 17,karen millen dresses, as they have each time a new president has just been installed.</p><p>The only doubt is whether his centre-left Socialist party would have an absolute majority or need support from Communist or Green deputies to pass laws.</p><p>“The tradition of the Fifth Republic (since 1958) after a presidential election is that the legislative polls confirm the people’s choice,christian louboutin sale,” said Jean-Luc Parodi, a veteran political scientist attached to the CEVIPOF institute.</p><p>“The parliamentary election is usually marked by asymmetric abstention which favours the winning side in the presidential race,” he told Reuters.</p><p>Sarkozy’s UMP party,when it is not “nex, the dominant force in French politics for a decade, could crack under pressure from a resurgent far-right as factions feud over whether to shun or embrace backers of Marine Le Pen’s anti-immigration National Front (FN).</p><p>If the FN replicated Le Pen’s 17.8 percent score on the first presidential ballot on a high turnout, it could split the right-wing vote in more than half of the 577 constituencies,karen millen dresses, making it easier for the Socialists to beat Sarkozy’s UMP party.</p><p>Under the two-round constituency voting system, candidates who win more than 12.5 percent of registered voters &#8211; not of votes cast &#8211; are entitled to enter the decisive second ballot.</p><p>Le Pen won more than 12,christian louboutin heels.5 percent of registered voters in 353 constituencies on April 22. However turnout in parliamentary elections is normally 10 to 20 points lower than the 80 percent rate in the presidential vote, so the National Front may reach far fewer runoffs.</p><p>Nevertheless, analysts expect the far right to be on the second ballot in more than the record 133 constituencies it achieved in 1997, when it split the right-wing vote, effectively handing the parliamentary election to the Socialists.</p><p><strong>EXISTENTIAL QUESTION</strong></p><p>This raises an existential question for the UMP, formed to unite France’s quarrelsome centre-right movements after a scare in 2002 when Le Pen’s father muscled his way into the presidential election runoff against Gaullist Jacques Chirac,christian louboutin uk.</p><p>“There is a risk of the breakup of the UMP,” said Stephane Rozes,christian louboutin uk,Commenting on the en, president of the CAP political consultancy,louboutin shoes.</p><p>Some on the party’s right flank are keen to end the quarantine around the National Front while the main party leaders have flatly ruled out any electoral or government alliance with Le Pen or her party.</p><p>Defence Minister Gerard Longuet, who cut his political teeth with the extreme-right, drew furious rebukes from UMP grandees this week after telling a far-right weekly that Le Pen was now an “interlocutor”. The row was a foretaste of the mayhem that might erupt after a Sarkozy defeat.</p><p>“If Sarkozy loses, the parliamentary elections will be a chainsaw massacre for the UMP,” said Jean-Yves Camus, a political scientist specialised in the National Front,christian louboutin heels.</p><p>Le Pen has said her candidates will stay in the race wherever possible “to make the system implode”. She envisages a “recomposition” of the right around her own party, while some centrists dream of rebuilding a powerful bloc inside or on the ashes of the UMP.</p><p>“The FN is in a unique position to apply pressure on the Right, and Marine Le Pen herself has made no secret of her desire to see the UMP edifice tremble and fall,” said Alexandre Deze, professor of political science and author of the book “The National Front: On the Path to Power,karen millen uk?”</p><p>The far-right party may only win a handful of seats, most likely Le Pen in the northern town of Henin-Beaumont, her niece Marion Le Pen-Marechal in the southern town of Carpentras and lawyer Gilbert Collard in the southern Gard region.</p><p>But Le Pen believes that some UMP lawmakers, faced with looming defeat in the second round,louboutin shoes, will defect to her “Marine Blue Rally” &#8211; an alliance led by the National Front (FN).</p><p><strong>WRECKING BALL</strong></p><p>Her party’s biggest role could be as a wrecking ball, decimating the UMP’s parliamentary ranks.</p><p>UMP lawmakers are contemplating this prospect with alarm.</p><p>“If we lose on Sunday, it’s going to be very difficult for us, especially since we’ll have the FN tripping us up,” said one conservative deputy, speaking on condition of anonymity because he did not want to openly envisage Sarkozy’s defeat.</p><p>“Many of our friends could bite the dust in three-way races. If we win (the presidential election), we should be able to limit the damage. But either way, the legislative elections are going to be difficult for us.”</p><p>If Sarkozy wins on Sunday against all odds, some experts believe he could retain a majority in the National Assembly, although not as big as the 339 UMP and centrist deputies out of 577 which it had in the outgoing legislature,Perhaps more importa.</p><p>“If he wins, I expect that the natural legitimacy of a re-elected right-wing president would prevail. I don’t believe the National Front could prevent him securing a parliamentary majority in that case,” Camus told Reuters.</p><p>However, some pollsters believe Le Pen’s party could engineer the defeat of enough UMP incumbents to leave parliament without a centre-right majority, possibly forcing a re-elected Sarkozy into sharing power with a centre-left government.</p><p>Such a period of left-right “cohabitation” would render policymaking difficult at a time of crisis in the euro zone and could spook financial markets.</p><p>If Hollande wins, some investors are concerned that he could be forced to the left to placate hard left or ecologist lawmakers on whom his government might be dependent.</p><p>The Socialist Party signed an agreement with the Europe Ecology/Greens party last year to back Green candidates in 30 constituencies deemed winnable in return for support for a joint policy platform.</p><p>However, Greens presidential candidate Eva Joly’s weak 2.3 percent presidential score cast doubt on that deal, with several Socialist incumbents who were due to stand down for a Green candidate vowing to stay in the election.</p><p>Parodi and Camus both said they doubted the Greens would win the 15 seats required to form a parliamentary group.</p><p>The Communists are more strongly implanted in traditionally left-wing regions and seem better placed to retain the group they had in the outgoing legislature, especially since they are likely to cut a deal with the Socialists on mutual support against the right.</p><p>? 2012 Thomson Reuters</p></div>

Revision as of 07:15, 2 April 2013